{"id":3757,"date":"2025-09-27T09:29:08","date_gmt":"2025-09-27T09:29:08","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/eandelmagazine.com\/eandelmagazine\/?p=3757"},"modified":"2025-09-27T09:29:08","modified_gmt":"2025-09-27T09:29:08","slug":"hemedti-dagolo-africas-most-dangerous-warlord-fueling-sudans-blood-gold-power-and-the-collapse-of-a-nation","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/eandelmagazine.com\/eandelmagazine\/hemedti-dagolo-africas-most-dangerous-warlord-fueling-sudans-blood-gold-power-and-the-collapse-of-a-nation\/","title":{"rendered":"Hemedti Dagolo &#8211; Africa&#8217;s Most Dangerous Warlord, fueling Sudan\u2019s Blood, Gold, Power and the Collapse of a Nation"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><em><strong>When Khartoum awoke in April 2023 to the sound of tanks rolling through its streets and jets screaming overhead, it was the return of a nightmare Sudan had never truly escaped. The gunfire wasn\u2019t just a clash of uniforms; it was the unraveling of a state, a showdown between the army of General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and the paramilitary empire of Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo &#8211; known simply as Hemedti.<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n<p><img fetchpriority=\"high\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone  wp-image-3760\" src=\"https:\/\/eandelmagazine.com\/eandelmagazine\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/09\/GettyImages-1238891783-e1681812692158-300x200.webp\" alt=\"\" width=\"1509\" height=\"1006\" srcset=\"https:\/\/eandelmagazine.com\/eandelmagazine\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/09\/GettyImages-1238891783-e1681812692158-300x200.webp 300w, https:\/\/eandelmagazine.com\/eandelmagazine\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/09\/GettyImages-1238891783-e1681812692158-768x511.webp 768w, https:\/\/eandelmagazine.com\/eandelmagazine\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/09\/GettyImages-1238891783-e1681812692158.webp 854w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1509px) 100vw, 1509px\" \/><\/p>\n<p data-start=\"648\" data-end=\"1030\">To many, Hemedti embodies the paradox of African leadership in crisis. Once a camel trader in Darfur, he built his fortune not through ballots or policy, but through blood and gold. His militia, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), grew out of the Janjaweed, the feared \u201cdevils on horseback\u201d who in the early 2000s carried out massacres in Darfur that the United States called genocide.<\/p>\n<p>Darfur\u2019s story began with drought, land, and identity \u2014 clashes between Arab nomads and African farmers. But by the 1980s, these tensions were weaponized by Libya\u2019s Muammar Gaddafi, who armed Arab tribes in pursuit of a grand project of Arab supremacy across the Sahel. Local skirmishes became racialized wars. The Sudanese state, weak and opportunistic, co-opted these militias rather than stopping them.<\/p>\n<p data-start=\"1489\" data-end=\"1778\">By 2003, when Darfur\u2019s non-Arab communities rose up for equality, Khartoum unleashed the Janjaweed. Villages were torched, women raped, men executed, and entire communities erased. The United Nations estimates some 300,000 people were killed. Survivors still carry the scars of genocide.<\/p>\n<p data-start=\"1780\" data-end=\"2144\">Hemedti rose in this crucible. By the mid-2000s, he was no longer a mere foot soldier but a commander who understood both the battlefield and the marketplace. With loyalty to Omar al-Bashir\u2019s regime, he transformed his militia into a formal force, the RSF. Bashir gave him weapons and rank; in return, Hemedti gave the dictator a tool sharper than the army itself.<\/p>\n<p>What made Hemedti different was his grasp of economics. In 2017, his RSF seized Darfur\u2019s Jebel Amir gold mines, ousting his former mentor Musa Hilal. That single act turned a warlord into one of Sudan\u2019s richest men. Through his family company, Al Junaid, Hemedti turned Sudan\u2019s gold wealth into a private treasury, smuggling billions\u2019 worth to Dubai and beyond.<\/p>\n<p data-start=\"2556\" data-end=\"2972\">For ordinary families in Darfur, this gold never meant schools, hospitals, or food security. It meant deeper poverty, as their land was militarized and their sons recruited into militias. Gold became a curse, financing wars abroad in Yemen and Libya, where Hemedti rented his fighters to Gulf monarchies. His deals extended even to Russia\u2019s Wagner Group, trading Sudan\u2019s resources for weapons and political backing.<\/p>\n<p data-start=\"2974\" data-end=\"3126\">This was more than smuggling; it was the creation of a \u201cglobal war corporation,\u201d one that blurred the line between state authority and private wealth.<\/p>\n<p data-start=\"2974\" data-end=\"3126\"><img decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone  wp-image-3758\" src=\"https:\/\/eandelmagazine.com\/eandelmagazine\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/09\/GettyImages-1171027952.original.2e16d0ba.fill-1200x630-1-300x158.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1509\" height=\"795\" srcset=\"https:\/\/eandelmagazine.com\/eandelmagazine\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/09\/GettyImages-1171027952.original.2e16d0ba.fill-1200x630-1-300x158.jpg 300w, https:\/\/eandelmagazine.com\/eandelmagazine\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/09\/GettyImages-1171027952.original.2e16d0ba.fill-1200x630-1-1024x538.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1509px) 100vw, 1509px\" \/><\/p>\n<p>By the time al-Bashir fell in 2019, toppled by mass protests, Hemedti was too powerful to ignore. He reinvented himself as a \u201cman of the people\u201d while his RSF massacred over 100 protesters in Khartoum in June 2019. Internationally, he shook hands with Gulf leaders and flew to Moscow. Domestically, he secured the position of deputy chairman of Sudan\u2019s Sovereignty Council and effectively the country\u2019s second-in-command.<\/p>\n<p data-start=\"3589\" data-end=\"3967\">But Sudan\u2019s fragile transitional government, meant to shepherd the country toward democracy, was always overshadowed by the rivalry between Hemedti and al-Burhan, the army chief. Their uneasy alliance collapsed in 2023 when plans to merge the RSF into the national army broke down. The April fighting in Khartoum was not just a coup gone wrong, it was a duel for Sudan\u2019s soul.<\/p>\n<p>As war raged in the capital, Darfur once again became the epicenter of atrocity. Reports emerged of RSF fighters and allied Arab militias targeting the Masalit people with mass killings, executions and sexual violence, a chilling echo of the genocide that happened two decades earlier. Families fled once more into displacement camps, caught in a cycle of trauma that African leadership has too often failed to break.<\/p>\n<p data-start=\"4400\" data-end=\"4786\">The conflict has displaced millions, destabilized borders, and risks plunging the wider Sahel into deeper insecurity. It raises pressing questions: What does leadership mean in a country where state institutions collapse, and militias become governments unto themselves? What happens when natural resources like land, water, gold are turned into weapons instead of wealth for families?<\/p>\n<p>Sudan\u2019s war is not an isolated tragedy. It mirrors broader dilemmas on the continent, from the resource wars in Congo to oil-fueled insurgencies in Nigeria. It reveals how the failure to balance justice, governance, and inclusion can transform local disputes into wars of extermination.<\/p>\n<p data-start=\"5117\" data-end=\"5525\">In the concerned views of African leaders, Sudan is both a warning and a test. It emphasizes the need for leadership that protects communities rather than exploiting them, that treats resources as a path to collective survival, not personal empires. And for the global community, it is a reminder that indifference to early warnings like drought, displacement, ethnic tensions, can eventually cost hundreds of thousands of lives.<\/p>\n<p data-start=\"5527\" data-end=\"5901\">Sudan today is a battlefield. But it is also a mirror, reflecting the consequences of power pursued without humanity. In the shadow of Hemedti\u2019s rise, African leadership faces a choice: to repeat the mistakes of warlordism and exclusion, or to forge strategies that protect both land and people, ensuring families are not forever trapped in the crossfire of greed and guns.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, widely known as Hemedti and who he is and why he carries such a reputation:<\/p>\n<p>Early Life &amp; Rise<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li data-start=\"545\" data-end=\"639\">Born around 1975 in Darfur, Sudan, to a Chadian Arab family from the Rizeigat tribe.<\/li>\n<li data-start=\"642\" data-end=\"785\">Started as a camel herder and trader, but became involved in local conflicts as militias formed during the Darfur War in the early 2000s.<\/li>\n<li data-start=\"788\" data-end=\"955\">Gained influence under Sudan\u2019s longtime dictator Omar al-Bashir, who armed and relied on Arab militias (known as the Janjaweed) to crush uprisings in Darfur.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Janjaweed &amp; War Crimes<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li data-start=\"994\" data-end=\"1102\">Hemedti rose as a Janjaweed commander, accused of mass killings, rape, and ethnic cleansing in Darfur.<\/li>\n<li data-start=\"1105\" data-end=\"1213\">Later, Bashir formalized these militias into the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and put Hemedti in charge.<\/li>\n<li data-start=\"1216\" data-end=\"1332\">Human rights groups and the International Criminal Court (ICC) have linked his forces to atrocities including:\n<ol>\n<li data-start=\"1337\" data-end=\"1372\">Massacres of civilians in Darfur.<\/li>\n<li data-start=\"1377\" data-end=\"1491\">The Khartoum massacre of 2019, where over 100 peaceful protesters were killed and bodies dumped in the Nile.<\/li>\n<li data-start=\"1496\" data-end=\"1568\">Looting, torture, and scorched-earth campaigns in Sudan\u2019s peripheries.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Political Power<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li data-start=\"1600\" data-end=\"1725\">After Bashir\u2019s fall in 2019, Hemedti became Deputy Chairman of Sudan\u2019s Sovereign Council (the transitional government).<\/li>\n<li data-start=\"1728\" data-end=\"1879\">Built immense wealth by controlling Sudan\u2019s gold mines and establishing business ties with Russia\u2019s Wagner Group, Gulf monarchies, and Egypt.<\/li>\n<li data-start=\"1882\" data-end=\"2016\">His RSF became almost a state within a state \u2014 well-funded, heavily armed, and loyal to him personally rather than Sudan\u2019s military.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Sudan Civil War (2023\u2013present)<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li data-start=\"2063\" data-end=\"2208\">In April 2023, tensions between Hemedti\u2019s RSF and General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan\u2019s Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) erupted into full-scale war.<\/li>\n<li data-start=\"2211\" data-end=\"2345\">The conflict has devastated Sudan, with reports of ethnic cleansing in Darfur, mass displacement, and urban warfare in Khartoum.<\/li>\n<li data-start=\"2348\" data-end=\"2510\">Hemedti portrays himself as a reformer and even claims to support democracy, but his forces are accused of atrocities, executions, and mass sexual violence.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Why He\u2019s called \u201cAfrica\u2019s Most Dangerous Warlord\u201d<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li data-start=\"2576\" data-end=\"2700\">Controls a private army estimated at 70,000\u2013100,000 fighters, better equipped than Sudan\u2019s regular army in some areas.<\/li>\n<li data-start=\"2703\" data-end=\"2777\">Holds vast gold wealth, making him one of Africa\u2019s richest warlords.<\/li>\n<li data-start=\"2780\" data-end=\"2876\">Has regional influence, with allies and arms deals spanning Russia, the UAE, and Chad.<\/li>\n<li data-start=\"2879\" data-end=\"3000\">His forces\u2019 brutality and impunity have destabilized Sudan and risk spilling conflict across Africa\u2019s Sahel region.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h6><em>\u00a0<\/em><strong><em>Source: Jude Bela<\/em><\/strong><\/h6>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>When Khartoum awoke in April 2023 to the sound of tanks rolling through its 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